The Magnificence of the Durbars (4)
A thousand pure-bred horses, each so heavily caparisoned that only its extremities are visible, pace slowly into the square. They parade in matched twos and fours, their riders richly dressed in cloth of gold and other brilliant colours, each carrying a cutlass or a lance. Interspersed are troops of brightly costumed buskers, some doing acrobatics, some on stilts, some drumming and dancing. Behind them come the cavalry and the infantry, in impeccable scarlet coats and shakos, carrying flintlock rifles which they will soon fire in a mighty salute…
A scene out of Arabian Nights? An MGM blockbuster about the Crusades? No, a real-life ceremony that takes place twice a year in many of the Emirates in the north of Nigeria.
If you search for ‘emirate’ on the internet, you will find extensive mentions of the United Arab Emirates, historical references to emirates in Spain and the Yemen, and a negligible amount of information about the Nigerian emirates, most of it locked away in learned journals which cost money to access.
Yet these emirates are vigorous survivors of a venerable and glorious past. Proof of this is the fact that they host one of the world’s most spectacular traditions – the Durbars. At the beginning and end of the Muslim festival of Ramadan, the Emir’s subjects come together to pay him homage, Each house strives to outdo the next in the finery of its horses and dress, bringing the head of the house and his heirs to the official attention of their traditional leader. As the month of Ramadan approaches, horses are specially fed and groomed, trips are made to the 1000-year old Kurmi market to buy new matching trappings for the horses, the buskers begin practising their acts, and the square in the centre of each city is freshly repaired and brushed.
A durbar lasts three to four hours and the sheer magnificence of it, together with the palpable evidence that you are witnessing a spectacle that has not changed much in four or five hundred years, would be enough to rate it up there with the Mardi Gras in New Orleans or the Rio Carnival, Also, it’s the genuine article – a purposeful ceremony which takes place for the sole benefit of one man – the Emir, who proceeds slowly into the square, by now densely packed with his subjects, on a pure Arab steed, preceded by camels bedecked in crimson trappings and with his household guard sheltering him from the sun with a huge golden parasol.
So arresting is the spectacle that the loudspeakers through which the Emir addresses his subjects and the occasional pair of classy sunglasses perched on the beaky nose of a fierce Hausa warrior seem more like anachronisms than the rest of the ceremony, which transports you into a realm and place which many would think has gone forever.
This year the Emir of Kano will preside over the 1008th Durbar to have been held in this ancient city, which was the centre of the great West African trade routes from before the time of Christ. The Emir of Katsina will hold a similar durbar, while other emirates in the north hold smaller ceremonies.
If Nigeria were not so isolated by reputation and geography, I have no doubt that many thousands of tourists would flock to attend the durbars. As it is, except for a handful of diplomatic guests and other expatriates the durbars go unnoticed outside of Nigeria.
A scene out of Arabian Nights? An MGM blockbuster about the Crusades? No, a real-life ceremony that takes place twice a year in many of the Emirates in the north of Nigeria.
If you search for ‘emirate’ on the internet, you will find extensive mentions of the United Arab Emirates, historical references to emirates in Spain and the Yemen, and a negligible amount of information about the Nigerian emirates, most of it locked away in learned journals which cost money to access.
Yet these emirates are vigorous survivors of a venerable and glorious past. Proof of this is the fact that they host one of the world’s most spectacular traditions – the Durbars. At the beginning and end of the Muslim festival of Ramadan, the Emir’s subjects come together to pay him homage, Each house strives to outdo the next in the finery of its horses and dress, bringing the head of the house and his heirs to the official attention of their traditional leader. As the month of Ramadan approaches, horses are specially fed and groomed, trips are made to the 1000-year old Kurmi market to buy new matching trappings for the horses, the buskers begin practising their acts, and the square in the centre of each city is freshly repaired and brushed.
A durbar lasts three to four hours and the sheer magnificence of it, together with the palpable evidence that you are witnessing a spectacle that has not changed much in four or five hundred years, would be enough to rate it up there with the Mardi Gras in New Orleans or the Rio Carnival, Also, it’s the genuine article – a purposeful ceremony which takes place for the sole benefit of one man – the Emir, who proceeds slowly into the square, by now densely packed with his subjects, on a pure Arab steed, preceded by camels bedecked in crimson trappings and with his household guard sheltering him from the sun with a huge golden parasol.
So arresting is the spectacle that the loudspeakers through which the Emir addresses his subjects and the occasional pair of classy sunglasses perched on the beaky nose of a fierce Hausa warrior seem more like anachronisms than the rest of the ceremony, which transports you into a realm and place which many would think has gone forever.
This year the Emir of Kano will preside over the 1008th Durbar to have been held in this ancient city, which was the centre of the great West African trade routes from before the time of Christ. The Emir of Katsina will hold a similar durbar, while other emirates in the north hold smaller ceremonies.
If Nigeria were not so isolated by reputation and geography, I have no doubt that many thousands of tourists would flock to attend the durbars. As it is, except for a handful of diplomatic guests and other expatriates the durbars go unnoticed outside of Nigeria.
Letter from Lagos 3
The stories circulating in Nigeria now that the elections are over have highlighted the continued evils which will befall a nation in the grip of corruption. In essence, Nigeria is still controlled by a ruthless ‘oiligarchy’, which 10 years ago conceived a clever way to retain power while gaining some measure of acceptance from the outside world. Possibly the biggest 419 scam Nigerians have ever perpetrated took place: the pretence that Nigeria is committed to a civil democracy. The oiligarchy which lives a life of ostentation that outrivals the excesses of even the most extravagant Hollywood film stars, has public money gushing into its private bank accounts around the world on a grand scale. A friend who was a disgusted observer of the Presidential elections on April 21 and who afterwards met the Minister of the Interior, listened to him openly admitting that corruption took place at every level of the elections, but insisting ‘that is the Nigerian way.’
More shame to those developed governments and major corporations, eager to exploit the country’s massive resources, who became party to the scam.
The opposition parties that won a majority in many states, made only half-hearted protests at the wresting of power from their hands because they knew that to make too much noise would mean their share of the pie would be less. President Obasanjo was however reportedly furious with Musili Obanikoro, his own party’s candidate for the prized Lagos State because the senator assured him that he had control of at least seven of the twenty local government areas and needed money to buy off six more, thus ensuring a majority for the PDP. After this huge outlay, Obasanjo was justly incensed to find that Obanikoro had secured only two of the local government areas and that the money had unaccountably disappeared. Wily Governor Bola Tinubu had for a third time ‘rescued’ Lagos from the clutches of the PDP.
The corruption permeates the life of every ordinary Nigerian. Education systems have long since collapsed with many rural schools having neither desks nor books. The police through road blocks loot the pockets and car boots of ordinary travellers and run a mile when armed bandits do likewise in broad daylight. Polio is rife and half the population seems to live on the streets.
To the outsider Nigerians appear to be aggressive, noisy and outspoken; in fact the spectre of the 30 years of military rule and the devastating Biafran war stalks them daily. The fear that boat-rocking will lead to the oiligarchy proclaiming a state of emergency and a return to the old days, prevents many from speaking out. The huge number of ordinary citizens who want nothing more than to earn their daily bread and give their children a decent education, are so far from that ideal that they accept the handouts from the people who want to keep them quiet – a vicious circle which will not be broken in the short or even medium term.
ends
The stories circulating in Nigeria now that the elections are over have highlighted the continued evils which will befall a nation in the grip of corruption. In essence, Nigeria is still controlled by a ruthless ‘oiligarchy’, which 10 years ago conceived a clever way to retain power while gaining some measure of acceptance from the outside world. Possibly the biggest 419 scam Nigerians have ever perpetrated took place: the pretence that Nigeria is committed to a civil democracy. The oiligarchy which lives a life of ostentation that outrivals the excesses of even the most extravagant Hollywood film stars, has public money gushing into its private bank accounts around the world on a grand scale. A friend who was a disgusted observer of the Presidential elections on April 21 and who afterwards met the Minister of the Interior, listened to him openly admitting that corruption took place at every level of the elections, but insisting ‘that is the Nigerian way.’
More shame to those developed governments and major corporations, eager to exploit the country’s massive resources, who became party to the scam.
The opposition parties that won a majority in many states, made only half-hearted protests at the wresting of power from their hands because they knew that to make too much noise would mean their share of the pie would be less. President Obasanjo was however reportedly furious with Musili Obanikoro, his own party’s candidate for the prized Lagos State because the senator assured him that he had control of at least seven of the twenty local government areas and needed money to buy off six more, thus ensuring a majority for the PDP. After this huge outlay, Obasanjo was justly incensed to find that Obanikoro had secured only two of the local government areas and that the money had unaccountably disappeared. Wily Governor Bola Tinubu had for a third time ‘rescued’ Lagos from the clutches of the PDP.
The corruption permeates the life of every ordinary Nigerian. Education systems have long since collapsed with many rural schools having neither desks nor books. The police through road blocks loot the pockets and car boots of ordinary travellers and run a mile when armed bandits do likewise in broad daylight. Polio is rife and half the population seems to live on the streets.
To the outsider Nigerians appear to be aggressive, noisy and outspoken; in fact the spectre of the 30 years of military rule and the devastating Biafran war stalks them daily. The fear that boat-rocking will lead to the oiligarchy proclaiming a state of emergency and a return to the old days, prevents many from speaking out. The huge number of ordinary citizens who want nothing more than to earn their daily bread and give their children a decent education, are so far from that ideal that they accept the handouts from the people who want to keep them quiet – a vicious circle which will not be broken in the short or even medium term.
ends
Letter from Lagos 2
A few months in Lagos is generally enough to send even the most hardened critic of the new South Africa home with a different attitude. The sheer difficulty of living and working in the commercial capital, even for privileged expatriates, almost beggars belief.
Incessant power cuts and traffic jams, intermittent communications, impassable roads, floods, road blocks and fuel shortages are just a few of the problems faced daily. Add to this a generally alien environment which often seems threatening, and more than one expatriate (or expatriate’s spouse) has simply given up and gone home.
Yet if you can manage to live with these challenges the city has much to teach and many things to enjoy. The outward appearance of chaos belies what is in fact a highly structured urban society. Institutions which once gave meaning and order to other societies are still here in full force – family, mosque, church and guild, just to name a few,
Take for example, the markets. Tradition has it that what is now Nigeria hosted the first market in sub-Saharan Africa, established over 1000 years ago and still flourishing in Kano to the north, Lagos has over 350 official markets -either specialist such as Epe fish market and Lekki craft market or general such as Tejuosho market which houses at least 1000 stalls and where you can buy almost anything. Other markets sell hand-made wooden or rattan furniture, hardware, fabrics, printing inks and accessories, electronic equipment, baskets and woven goods, vegetables…..the list is endless.
Each market has an elected leader and a council which regulates its affairs. The council comprises representatives from the various trades selling within the market (the trades operate in the tradition of guilds in Europe). The umbrella body is the Association of Market Women and Men - women being mentioned first in recognition of the fact that the overwhelming majority of traders are female. The Association is presided over by the current Governor’s mother, a redoubtable old lady who operates out of her own house on mainland Lagos. Here every Thursday, meetings are held, lobbying strategies agreed and pursued, disputes settled, educational courses run and largesse handed out to the needy.
Markets serve as a vitally important distribution channel for the goods which pour through Lagos. More than 40% of consumer goods sold in Nigeria go through Lagos first. Without strong and well-regulated markets, trade, the lifeblood of the majority of the country which does not ride the oily gravy train and the employer of by far the largest segment of the population, would wither and die.
Many expatriates are nervous about visiting a market, yet the experience is unique. If you know how to bargain, you will find that your cost of living need not be twice or three times that of South Africa. Best of all, you will make many friends – “there’s no charge for looking”- and better understand a way of life that has been ingrained into Nigerians for many generations.
A few months in Lagos is generally enough to send even the most hardened critic of the new South Africa home with a different attitude. The sheer difficulty of living and working in the commercial capital, even for privileged expatriates, almost beggars belief.
Incessant power cuts and traffic jams, intermittent communications, impassable roads, floods, road blocks and fuel shortages are just a few of the problems faced daily. Add to this a generally alien environment which often seems threatening, and more than one expatriate (or expatriate’s spouse) has simply given up and gone home.
Yet if you can manage to live with these challenges the city has much to teach and many things to enjoy. The outward appearance of chaos belies what is in fact a highly structured urban society. Institutions which once gave meaning and order to other societies are still here in full force – family, mosque, church and guild, just to name a few,
Take for example, the markets. Tradition has it that what is now Nigeria hosted the first market in sub-Saharan Africa, established over 1000 years ago and still flourishing in Kano to the north, Lagos has over 350 official markets -either specialist such as Epe fish market and Lekki craft market or general such as Tejuosho market which houses at least 1000 stalls and where you can buy almost anything. Other markets sell hand-made wooden or rattan furniture, hardware, fabrics, printing inks and accessories, electronic equipment, baskets and woven goods, vegetables…..the list is endless.
Each market has an elected leader and a council which regulates its affairs. The council comprises representatives from the various trades selling within the market (the trades operate in the tradition of guilds in Europe). The umbrella body is the Association of Market Women and Men - women being mentioned first in recognition of the fact that the overwhelming majority of traders are female. The Association is presided over by the current Governor’s mother, a redoubtable old lady who operates out of her own house on mainland Lagos. Here every Thursday, meetings are held, lobbying strategies agreed and pursued, disputes settled, educational courses run and largesse handed out to the needy.
Markets serve as a vitally important distribution channel for the goods which pour through Lagos. More than 40% of consumer goods sold in Nigeria go through Lagos first. Without strong and well-regulated markets, trade, the lifeblood of the majority of the country which does not ride the oily gravy train and the employer of by far the largest segment of the population, would wither and die.
Many expatriates are nervous about visiting a market, yet the experience is unique. If you know how to bargain, you will find that your cost of living need not be twice or three times that of South Africa. Best of all, you will make many friends – “there’s no charge for looking”- and better understand a way of life that has been ingrained into Nigerians for many generations.
Letter from Lagos
Letter from Lagos 1
Elections came and went with hardly a ripple in Nigeria’s commercial capital, Lagos. Nervous expatriates who left the country or barricaded themselves in their compounds in the affluent suburbs of Lekki, Ikoyi and Victoria Island, were left with expectations of unrest largely unfulfilled.
An anticipated landslide victory for the Action Congress (AC) party, which won 37 of the 40 seats in the State House of Assembly, swept the sole AC candidate for governor, Advocate Babatunde Fashola, into power. In contrast to other parts of the country, the party of President Olusegun Obasanjo, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) knew to leave well enough alone amongst the teeming streets of one of the world’s most densely populated cities. The AC, previously the Alliance for Democracy (AD) and headed for the last 8 years by Lagos State Governor Bola Tinubu, had long held out against the raging waters of the PDP which engulfed virtually every other Nigerian state, much as Lagos itself still stands despite increasing evidence that global warming might soon sink it below the waters of the Atlantic Ocean.
The Governor’s well-oiled party machine, stretching formally through the 20 Local Government Areas and less formally but equally powerfully through the network of traditional rulers and ‘Area Fathers’ who control the notorious ‘area boys’ (vigilante groups), meant that many Lagosians believed that their voting would be taken care of, and chose to spend the day peacefully at home.
Nevertheless the murky channels of Nigerian politics occasionally beach some surprises. The Governor-elect may well prove to be an exception to the general political rule of corruption and self-aggrandisement. Unlike almost every Nigerian politician (the President-elect, Umaru Yar’Adua may be unknown to many outsiders but comes from a long line of military and political elite) Fashola, a successful lawyer respected for his competence and probity, was hand-picked from the private sector by Tinubu as his Chief of Staff, a powerful position in the State bureaucracy.
An unobtrusive Muslim from the Yoruba tribe which dominates Lagos’ polyglot population, Fashola ran the turbulent city-state with some success for the four years he worked with Tinubu. Affable, relaxed and efficient, Fashola is the antithesis of the typical Nigerian state official. Many were surprised when Tinubu named him successor over the party faithful; provoking a bitter dispute which ended in the break-up of the AD and the formation of the AC, Yet Tinubu typically had his way.
Those who live in the seeming chaos and dirt of Lagos may well have been cynical about Fashola’s campaign slogan: Eko o ini baje (Yoruba for Let Lagos not be spoilt) but to a population accustomed to receiving almost nothing from State or Federal resources, the avoidance of any major political turmoil meant that they could sooner turn back to the real business of Lagos – making money. At worst, Fashola is unlikely to spoil it for them. At best, the tentative reforms which can be seen here and there in the city may well be accelerated.
Elections came and went with hardly a ripple in Nigeria’s commercial capital, Lagos. Nervous expatriates who left the country or barricaded themselves in their compounds in the affluent suburbs of Lekki, Ikoyi and Victoria Island, were left with expectations of unrest largely unfulfilled.
An anticipated landslide victory for the Action Congress (AC) party, which won 37 of the 40 seats in the State House of Assembly, swept the sole AC candidate for governor, Advocate Babatunde Fashola, into power. In contrast to other parts of the country, the party of President Olusegun Obasanjo, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) knew to leave well enough alone amongst the teeming streets of one of the world’s most densely populated cities. The AC, previously the Alliance for Democracy (AD) and headed for the last 8 years by Lagos State Governor Bola Tinubu, had long held out against the raging waters of the PDP which engulfed virtually every other Nigerian state, much as Lagos itself still stands despite increasing evidence that global warming might soon sink it below the waters of the Atlantic Ocean.
The Governor’s well-oiled party machine, stretching formally through the 20 Local Government Areas and less formally but equally powerfully through the network of traditional rulers and ‘Area Fathers’ who control the notorious ‘area boys’ (vigilante groups), meant that many Lagosians believed that their voting would be taken care of, and chose to spend the day peacefully at home.
Nevertheless the murky channels of Nigerian politics occasionally beach some surprises. The Governor-elect may well prove to be an exception to the general political rule of corruption and self-aggrandisement. Unlike almost every Nigerian politician (the President-elect, Umaru Yar’Adua may be unknown to many outsiders but comes from a long line of military and political elite) Fashola, a successful lawyer respected for his competence and probity, was hand-picked from the private sector by Tinubu as his Chief of Staff, a powerful position in the State bureaucracy.
An unobtrusive Muslim from the Yoruba tribe which dominates Lagos’ polyglot population, Fashola ran the turbulent city-state with some success for the four years he worked with Tinubu. Affable, relaxed and efficient, Fashola is the antithesis of the typical Nigerian state official. Many were surprised when Tinubu named him successor over the party faithful; provoking a bitter dispute which ended in the break-up of the AD and the formation of the AC, Yet Tinubu typically had his way.
Those who live in the seeming chaos and dirt of Lagos may well have been cynical about Fashola’s campaign slogan: Eko o ini baje (Yoruba for Let Lagos not be spoilt) but to a population accustomed to receiving almost nothing from State or Federal resources, the avoidance of any major political turmoil meant that they could sooner turn back to the real business of Lagos – making money. At worst, Fashola is unlikely to spoil it for them. At best, the tentative reforms which can be seen here and there in the city may well be accelerated.
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